“In the 1990s and early 2000s, it looked like I was ahead, but after 9/11 people started arguing that he was right,” he said. “But I don’t think it’s decisive that I’ll lose.”
Liberal democracy, according to him, is not just an accidental and culturally contingent by-product of a particular historical moment, as some of its critics have argued. “I think there is a story arc, and this leans towards some form of justice, “he said.
In his new book, published Tuesday by Farrar, Straus and Giroux, Fukuyama argues that liberalism is not threatened by a rival ideology, but by “absolutized” versions of its own principles. On the right, the proponents of the neoliberal economy have turned the ideal of individual autonomy and the free market into a religion, distorting the economy and leading to dangerous systemic instability. And on the left, he argues, progressives have abandoned individual autonomy and free speech in favor of group rights claims that threaten national cohesion.
“The answer to these discontent”, he writes, “is not to abandon liberalism, but to moderate it”.
Fukuyama said Eric Chinski, his editor at Farrar, Straus, prompted him to confront the more thoughtful critics of race-blind liberal individualism, such as the black philosopher. Charles W Millsrather than the latest media-led outrage fueled by anti-critical race theory activists.
He may disagree with them, but many critical race theorists at the academy, Fukuyama said, “are making serious arguments” in response to liberalism’s historic and continuing inability to fully extend equal rights to all.
HEY more ferocious on the “post-liberal” intellectuals of the American right, with their admiration for the Hungarian Viktor Orban, as the jurist Adrian Vermeule (which he describes as having “flirted with the idea of an openly authoritarian government”) and the political scientist Patrick Deneen.